By Faustine Vincent (Kyiv, Ukraine, special correspondent), Le Monde, 10/16/24
At first, all that can be seen from the Ukrainian Parliament, guarded by a checkpoint, are the neoclassical columns of the facade, redecorated in the Ukrainian colors of yellow and blue. Access to the chamber itself, an ultra-sensitive area of Kyiv, is even more restricted. Le Monde was granted exceptional access. After passing through a series of gates and staircases, you enter under high windows protected by sandbags, then along a marble railing, also fortified, in front of which two paintings of the Madonna and Child are displayed. Heavy engraved doors then open onto a room of ancient woodwork, bristling with Ukrainian and European flags, and topped by a spectacular glass dome. It was here, in the heart of the Rada, the Ukrainian Parliament, that MPs converged at the start of the invasion in February 2022, despite the risk of attack.
None of them have forgotten the madness of those early days, when the Russians were at the gates of the capital. “We were voting in a hurry, eyes glued to the air, fear in our stomachs, because we expected a missile to hit the glass dome at any moment,” said Oleksandr Merezhko, MP for the parliamentary majority, Servant of the People, and president of the Foreign Affairs Committee. “But maintaining these sessions was crucial to show the world that Parliament was standing and that the institutions continued to function despite the war.”
The Rada immediately became a symbol of resistance, but also the embodiment of Ukrainians’ fight to defend their nation and the values of democracy in the face of Moscow, determined to discredit and destroy their state, whose independence Vladimir Putin has always considered an artificial creation. Contrary to public fears, the MPs did not flee en masse. The level of confidence in this institution soared to over 50%, according to several studies – an unprecedented level.
How to keep it going?
More than two and a half years later, the threat has receded since the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Kyiv region in April 2022, although enemy drones are still regularly intercepted in the vicinity of Parliament. But the war is still here, with its trail of obstacles, obligations and restrictions.
No more elections are in sight. Martial law has postponed the presidential election indefinitely. The legislative elections, originally scheduled for October 2023, have also been canceled. The absence of elections is no longer debated in the country, as many understand that with over 6 million refugees, 3.7 million displaced, 20% of territory occupied by the Russians and constant bombing, they would be neither safe nor democratic. But the challenge is unprecedented for Ukraine: How can it keep going over the long term and keep democracy alive despite the war and the impossibility of renewing its representatives?
Parliamentary representatives are beginning to falter. Exhausted after 32 months of conflict and high-tension work, they are condemned to remain in office for as long as the war lasts, as stipulated by the Constitution, under the once again critical gaze of the population. “To be frank, Parliament has become quite a depressing place,” said Oleksandr Zaslavskiy, director of the Agency for Legislative Initiatives, a Ukrainian think tank that has been working on the Rada for 25 years. “Being a member of parliament today means working 24 hours a day, under pressure, without vacations, and being hated by everyone. Some even get messages from soldiers telling them they’re coming back to kill them.” This resentment is fueled by repeated scandals, such as that of MP Yuri Aristov, who was seen in a luxury hotel in the Maldives in July 2023 under the pretext of a business trip.
The list of dissatisfactions among representatives continues to grow. Martial law has forced them to drastically restrict their travel abroad, which is now subject to the approval of Rada president Ruslan Stefanchuk. Access to the media has also been restricted since the introduction of the “telemarathon,” a major tool in the information war waged by the Ukrainian authorities, which broadcasts the same information on several channels, and from which opposition MPs claim to be excluded. “The authorities are taking advantage of martial law to curb freedom of expression,” said Mykola Kniazhytskyi, an MP for European Solidarity, the party of former president Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky’s great rival. To remain visible and address the public, the 56-year-old MP expresses himself on TikTok and has launched his own YouTube channel.
‘Be careful about democracy’
But since the beginning of the invasion, the entire Parliament has been marginalized. “Almost all power is concentrated in the hands of the head of state and the Presidential Office, which he controls,” said the Warsaw-based Center for Eastern Studies in a study published in August. Kniazhytskyi has warned Zelensky. “He has to be careful about democracy, otherwise our allies won’t give us any more money. But compared to Putin, he’s very democratic,” said the opponent. “Criticism and political debate have returned to parliament, but the exercise remains delicate as Russia seeks to exploit divisions. It’s a difficult balance,” said Kniazhytskyi. “I have to talk to you openly, but I also have to be careful, because we have to stand united against Putin.” The war has also created some strange situations. Some MPs now represent a region that came under Russian occupation. Others have seen their electorate flee abroad, or elsewhere in the country.
Opponents are not the only ones voicing concern about the scale of the difficulties. The unease is even greater among the representatives of Servant of the People, who have a majority in Parliament. The landslide victory in the 2019 parliamentary elections of the party founded by Zelensky had brought to power these men and women devoid of political experience, with very diverse profiles. Today, many of them want to resign and return to their former lives. Especially as their salaries have remained virtually unchanged at around 40,000 hryvnias (€880), including allowances.
“The elected members of Servant of the People were probably the least prepared to deal with all this,” said Zaslavskiy. In January, the party’s leader, Davyd Arakhamia, announced that he had received 17 requests for resignation and anticipated “a major crisis” in Parliament. However, according to several sources, these resignations had not been put to the vote by the Rada president, preventing any departures.
Stefanchuk told Le Monde he denied this, asserting that, “so far, I haven’t received a single request,” apart from those, at the start of the invasion, from MPs of the former pro-Russian opposition party The Opposition Platform – For Life, which was banned in June 2022. And if these resignations were to reach him? “We currently have the lowest number of MPs since Ukraine’s independence. This is an essential factor for them not to resign,” said Stefanchuk. “I’m sure that the MPs have understood their historic mission at this crucial time for the country.”
Unexpected allies
Since the start of the invasion, the number of MPs has fallen to 401 out of 450 seats – 28 have lost their mandates or resigned, two have been killed, and the remaining seats were already empty since the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of part of the Donbas in 2014. The priority is clear: Everyone must stay in their posts. According to political analyst Ihor Kohut, a deal has reportedly been struck with the resigners to convince them to stay. “This is a huge challenge in terms of democracy, since their mandate has expired,” said the expert. “But they have to stay until new elections are held, and nobody knows when that will be possible!”
In the meantime, the presidential party is making sure it doesn’t lose a single vote. The Servant of the People MPs still hold the majority with 233 seats, but gathering the 226 votes needed to pass legislation on their own has become almost impossible. Since the beginning of the invasion, they have only managed to do so 17 times out of 5,200 votes, according to a study by the independent organization Chesno, which specializes in political transparency. “They were never in full strength to vote,” said analyst Oleksandr Salizhenko. Others also refuse to support their own camp.
To make up for the missing votes, Zelensky’s party has found some unexpected allies: the MPs of the former pro-Russian party Opposition Platform – For Life. These representatives, liable to be prosecuted for treason, have formed two new factions: Platform for Life and Peace, and Restoration of Ukraine. Zealous, these 39 MPs vote massively in favor of the laws proposed by the majority.
Their informal alliance with Servant of the People is above all pragmatic. “They want to show their loyalty, survive in their political environment and not lose the business they otherwise own,” said Salizhenko. However, this loyalty has its limits: When the law on decolonization and changing Russian names to Ukrainian was put to the vote, none of them took part. “They abstain wherever Russia’s interests are at stake,” said the analyst.
Despite his exhaustion, Merezhko is hanging in there. This former professor of international law, who also had no political experience before his arrival at the Rada, is convinced that the “great sacrifice” made by the MPs is essential for the survival of the Ukrainian state. “One day, people will be grateful to us.”